Yemen: Recognizing responsibility

Photo by Mary Leno

by Deborah Belle

Saturday’s rally in Brattle Square Plaza, Cambridge, MA, to end the U.S.-Saudi blockade of Yemen, began just as the morning’s rain ended and pedestrians returned to Harvard Square.

Activists held signs and gave out leaflets urging an end to U.S. support for the Saudi blockade.

As the leaflet noted, “Yemen is a Massachusetts war. Raytheon is headquartered here in Massachusetts. It makes the bombs for Saudi Arabia and it makes the jet engines for the planes that drop the bombs. Let’s do all we can to end this connection between Massachusetts and this terrible humanitarian disaster.”

Further information is available at the Raytheon Antiwar Campaign (617-354-2169), and at info@masspeaceaction.org.

Pegean says: “If you’re concerned about the situation in Yemen, let your national and state legislators know.”

How can we nonviolently prevent nuclear war? Part 2

by James Manista

Six of Kings Bay Plowshares 7 just after verdict, Oct. 24th, 2019, outside Federal Court, Brunswick, Ga. This file is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International license. Author: Bones Donovan.

I had no strategy for the court appearance and became concerned that for all my bravado at the gate I could easily fail in court and have little to show for my vaunted defiance. Consulting the GZ lawyer I decided to plead not guilty at the arraignment, and then negotiate to enter a statement if I changed my plea to guilty. The trial was scheduled for October 23, 2019 at 1:30 PM before Judge Theresa Fricke at the Federal Court Building in Tacoma, Washington.

Arriving with my colleague Joanne Dufour of the Olympia Committee to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (OCANW), we were met at the courtroom door by several Ground Zero members.

When my case was called Judge Fricke began by explaining that my pleading guilty now precluded any future legal action by me on the charge at hand. I told her I understood and requested to make my statement. The courtroom was fairly large and empty except for a few  accused and their supporters. A microphone at a nearby desk had been provided for answers, questions, or statements. She directed me to take the chair and I began reading my statement, periodically looking up to the judge and the others about:

“After study and prayer I concluded our nuclear policy of Mutually Assured Destruction is an irrational delusion which, by accident or intention, will inevitably one day annihilate all life on earth—an omnicide where neither we nor roaches nor viruses survive. We have ignored this for close to 75 years as if, cowed and lulled by our country’s militarism, we slept on an ever costlier, ever larger pile of dynamite, trusting that diabolical MADness to prevent our obliteration. 

But we have seen ingenious systems fail and we know fissile materials have been misplaced, lost, or stolen. For decades we presumptively feared it would be a maniac from some other country who might topple the Jenga tower of worldwide death. I decided I could no longer by silence be complicit in this risk of the greatest conceivable evil.

“Heartened by the heroism of protestors and filled with a hope of responding rationally and creatively to the prospect of planetary horror, I had a banner made asserting Nuclear Weapons Are Immoral to produce, stockpile, and use and displayed it on the ground of those most likely to benefit from reading it and taking its message to heart. I did not just trespass on the base which—without my banner—I had no cause to do—but with it I finally and publicly answered the duty of my conscience and exercised my right of free speech where the federal government seemed not to want me to. 

“Your honor has the opportunity—as do all—to join the community resisting nuclear madness. Declare the money, genius, and effort we have so far expended out of fear a moral waste. Declare we could have aided the world to have cleaner water, wider education, more hospitals, and all manner of economic development instead of spreading a debilitating fear of impending doom.

“Through our well-intentioned wizardry we led nations to the precipice of nuclear despair. By courage we can lead them safely away to begin the tasks of justice for a peaceful world.”

The courtroom had grown quiet before and during my delivery. The silence persisted as if to underscore my message.  Then the Navy prosecutor stood and recommended a $50 fine. Judge Fricke accepted my guilty plea and stated: “In recognition of the defendant’s conscientious plea I will lower the fine to $25.” She closed her remarks with, “I respect your First Amendment protest and your firmly held beliefs.”

Unlike standing at the corner of Fourth and Water Street in downtown Olympia, where you can disagree with the government’s nuclear policy for free, doing so on their territory up close and personal, will cost  $65: $25 fine, $10 mandatory fee, and $30 to cover court costs. The maximum penalty allowed was six months in jail and a $5,000 fine. The GZ lawyer had advised me my instance of trespass was a misdemeanor and, depending on the judge, a harsh sentence was unlikely. Other than creating a federal record, this civil disobedience fell well within my tolerance.

The support from GZ, from Olympia friends, from OCANW, and others transformed the shame of a guilty plea to the euphoria of realizing I had (however briefly) placed a thorn in the briefs of the military and gotten away with it.

Although in the larger picture my action did not create national notice as had the Kings Bay Plowshares7 at the Georgia Trident Base on the Atlantic coast. Except for a couple of peace movement newsletters, my nonviolent resistance disappeared in the flood of Mother’s Day stories and other news of the day. 

If so, was it worth the effort, or was it just theater for anti-nuclear partisans? As an answer I’d like to enter a quotation from Pulitzer Prize winning author Chris Hedges on the nature of protest and hope:

“Hope has a cost. Hope is not comfortable or easy. Hope requires personal risk. It is not about the right attitude. Hope is not about peace of mind. Hope is action. Hope is doing something. The more futile, the more useless, the more irrelevant and incomprehensible an act of rebellion is, the vaster and more potent hope becomes.

Hope never makes sense. Hope is weak, unorganized and absurd. Hope, which is always nonviolent, exposes in its powerlessness, the lies, fraud and coercion employed by the state. . . . Hope posits that people are drawn to the good by the good. . . . Hope sees in our enemy our own face.”

Are we nuts? as what so many around us are thinking: Are they really advocating unilateral nuclear disarmament? How naive. How utterly unrealistic. Russia . . . China . . . North Korea would not hesitate to blast us from the face of the earth but for our ability to exterminate any attacker in retaliation and not bat an eyelash doing it.

I’d like to go farther than reducing stockpiles or totally eliminating nuclear weapons. I’d like to end war itself in any form, small bombs, big bombs, chemical agents, biological weapons, even poking each other in the eye with Pic-Up-Stix. 

Our present reality is any war we’re in today (or conceive of being in tomorrow) can escalate into full nuclear exchange without a prayer of stopping it before every last weapon is hurled along its deadly path.

Only very recently we witnessed the irresponsible shenanigans of two toddler personalities—North Korea and the good ol’ #1 US of A. The recent rush of activities against nuclear weapons can be laid at the feet of Un and Ump.

How did we ever give any mortal the opportunity to expunge all humanity from this part of the universe? George Washington set this country on the wrong path when he stated, “If you want peace, prepare for war.” Unmindful of our demonstrated aggressive disposition we accepted his profoundly paranoid orientation to foreign nations. We devised modern equivalents of unchallenged xenophobia: “Peace through power.” 

We refused to see the dangerous but only way out. As JFK said to the General Assembly of the UN on September 25, 1961: “We must abolish nuclear weapons before they abolish us.”

Rather than concoct a system of checks and restraints (all fallible)to prevent anyone flipping a Doomsday switch, we must disassemble Doomsday itself. Dismantle every weapon starting with our own. Risky? You betcha. In the long run though, is Unilateral Nuclear Disarmament truly any more risky than relying on the threat of Mutually Assured Destruction? The people of our so-called enemies likely have no more desire to exterminate us than we have of exterminating them—including their military.

World War I was almost stopped before it began when the Wobblies (International Workers of the World) openly questioned, “Why should French workers kill German workers?” Similarly the classic pacifist rationale War will end when men refuse to fight remains unaddressed.

Among both nuclear and non-nuclear states there is no shortage of powerful incentives:

  1. GONE—the budget busting waste of maintaining, modernizing, or developing weapons
  2. FREEDOM of scientists and engineers to work on peace-producing projects among all nations: clean water, higher education, better no-cost health,  new economic development
  3. ELIMINATION of debilitating fear of annihilation among both nuclear and non-nuclear nations
  4. FUTURE of resolving disputes without resort to fighting

Through accidents of  history we stumbled into international leadership. For seventy five years since Hiroshima and Nagasaki we have been gambling that threats of war and death will keep us safe. To me personally, gambling on hopes for peace and life is a far better bet.                                                                                                                                  

The United States of America: A “Culture of Violence”

by Anthony Marsella *

Charting a “Culture of Violence:” Causes and Consequences

As the immediate emotions of the presidential elections pass — the euphoria and elation of the winners, the grief, despair, anger of the losers — the harsh realities of daily life once again emerge. Among these is the widespread violence that exists in the United States as displayed in Figure 1. As Figure 1 demonstrates, the manifestations and consequences of violent acts are extensive. This suggests the existence of a “culture of violence” that is generated, sustained, and promoted by acts that arise from individual and collective impulse and intent, and that too often find tier tolerance and approval across political, economic, educational, military, and moral policies of institutions.

Regardless of our wishes that this was not the case, the United States of America is a “culture of violence.” The Figure 1 (i.e., chart) offers a quick visual display. It is neither comprehensive nor explanatory, aside from recognizing the reciprocity among the different acts and sources of violence. There is an obvious interaction across the acts displayed in which simple cause-effect relations disappears amidst the complexity. Each act is both a source and consequence. A cultural ecology of violence.

Figure 1: A Culture of Violence

The Omnipresence of Violence

Violence abounds in American society, touching everyone’s life as victim, perpetrator, or anxious observer and witness of the endless violent acts committed locally, nationally, and internationally. Ultimately we are all victims and perpetrators through acts of intention or acts of silence and indifference that support a tolerance of the situation. There is no escape from this reality. How much more violence can we view on TV, how much more violence can we cheer and applaud in entertainment, how much more violence can we experience before we are faced with a constant state of stress, anxiety, anger, and/or moral indifference?

There is a widespread fear, anxiety, and stress that leaves citizens of all ages feelings vulnerable and insecure, awaiting the possibility of violence touching their lives, and bring with it grief and sorrow. It is clear violence is widespread in the world. Every person — regardless of location — is compelled to live with daily reminders of risk and danger. What is distinct about violence in the USA, however, is the existence of a national culture of shared, learned behaviors and meanings transmitted across generations via ethoses, values, attitudes, and ways-of-life that are violent. These inform and guide our institutions resulting in the socialization of a culture of violence.

USA Foreign Policy: Driver of National and Global Violence

The foreign policies and actions of the United States of America over the course of the past 100 years are rooted in intentions to control and dominate international order of nations and cultures. These policies and actions have proven destructive to national and global peace, and have served and empowered the interests of a limited number of individuals and groups. Ultimately, under the guise of protecting “national interests” these policies and actions are major sources, carriers, and promoters of violence nationally and globally. They are asymmetrical and hegemonic in nature, and sustain the status quo in consequence. While all are announced as intentions to bring democracy and freedom, they have too often resulted in occupation, oppression, and repression of human rights. An obvious result — visible in virtually every nation caught in our efforts – is the costly growth of a vast USA network of: (1) military bases and operations, (2) massive fortress embassies/consulates, (3) encampments/prisons, (4) death squads, (5) cultural disintegration and decline.

These policies and actions do not promote cooperation and admirations, rather they encourage instability via reflexive protests, insurrections, rebellions, revolutions, and acts of domestic, state, and international terrorism. Table 1 display the spectrum of USA foreign policy and action choices, options, and alternatives. All nations act in their own interests, The issue, however, is that in a global era, in which the understanding of the causes and consequences of violence and war are now better known, selfish national interests result in direct and indirect opposition. For many nations who feel victimized and humiliated by the USA, revenge is considered just and appropriate. This creates an endless cycle. Who benefits? Table 1 displays a spectrum of USA foreign policy and action practices — they are used as needed.

Table 1: USA Foreign Policy and Actions Choices, Options, Alternatives

  •  Assassinations/death squads/drones,
  • Bounties for info/capture
  • Bribery/blackmail/entrapment
  • Celebration of national “morality”/necessity of torture
  • Collaboration/contracts with universities, scientists, professional organizations
  • Contingent “humanitarian” aid
  • Contingent foreign aid
  • Control UN via vetoes
  • Control IMF and World Bank
  • Cooperate with foreign nations (e.g., military, intelligence)
  • Development of domestic crowd controls (militarization of police)
  • Diplomacy
  • Drug wars and corruptions
  • Disproportionate support of “allies” and enemification of others,
  • Establishment of military bases [more than 900 known foreign bases],
  • Exportation of popular American culture
  • Foreign student/faculty/consultant exchanges
  • Fund development of disguised/pseudo-organizations (e.g. Human Ecology Fund)
  • Glorification of war, militarism, warrior mentalities
  • Hegemonic globalization
  • Infiltrate peace and anti-war groups
  • Mass surveillance, monitoring, and archiving of data,
  • Massive government/private intelligence security agencies/organizations
  • Media influence and control
  • Military intervention
  • Mind control technologies (e.g., drugs, EMR)
  • Negotiation/conflict resolution
  • Non-Prosecution of connected military, government, civilian law violators/abusers
  • Occupation
  • Promotion of nationalism/pseudo-patriotism
  • Propaganda and promotion of USA exceptionalism,
  • Purchase and installation of pro-American leaders and dictators,
  • Recruitment of spies, informers, collaborators, agents
  • Use surrogate nations and forces
  • Use false flags incidents
  • Use major philanthropic foundations to influence policy and actions
  • Vilification of domestic/international critics.
  • Weapons/arms dealer/sales
  • Witness protection programs

Closing Remarks

I have published two articles in recent years regarding war and peace. The first article is entitled: “The United States of America: A Culture of War” (Marsella, A.J. [2012]. The United States of America: A “culture of war.” International Journal of Intercultural Research, 35, 714-728.This article documents the long history of war in the United States, and the American cultural ethos that has spawned and nurtured wars. The second article is a please for nonkilling and an end to violence. It is entitled “Nonkilling psychology and lifeism” (Marsella, A.J. (2011). Nonkilling psychology and lifeism. In J. Pim & D. Christie (Eds.) Nonkilling Psychology (pp. 361-378). Honolulu, Hi: Center for Global Non-Violence.). This article calls for humanity to move beyond unbridled national identities to an identity with life itself, the very force that animates our world and universe.

In both of these articles, and in this article, it is clear to me that we are headed for a “dreadful reckoning” (Grieder’s term) if we do not come to an awareness of the many sources and consequences of violence in our lives, particularly the perpetuation of “cultures of violence” that are sources of endless suffering, destruction, and death. The answer resides in the necessity of non-violent activism to prevent violence. This is the timeless answer of every great peacemaker.

*Originally published on TRANSCEND Media Service, November 9, 2012

Anthony Marsella, Ph.D., a  member of the TRANSCEND Network, is a past president of Psychologists for Social Responsibility, emeritus professor of psychology at the University of Hawaii, and past director of the World Health Organization Psychiatric Research Center in Honolulu. He is known nationally and internationally as a pioneer figure in the study of culture and psychopathology who challenged the ethnocentrism and racial biases of many assumptions, theories, and practices in psychology and psychiatry. In more recent years, he has been writing and lecturing on peace and social justice. He has published 15 edited books, and more than 250 articles, chapters, book reviews, and popular pieces. He can be reached at marsella@hawaii.edu.

Ending US wars

by Michael Knox

If, like me, you are sick of our country’s involvement in endless wars, but you think there is nothing anyone can do to stop the murder, an article I recently published in Truthout can change your mind. The piece is an excerpt from my book, ENDING U.S. WARS by Honoring Americans Who Work for Peace.


The old cliché about a fish not knowing it’s in water has survived for a reason. Our cultural currents can drive us toward normalizing or, worse, glorifying what we might otherwise find objectionable….

The U.S. honors its military and reinforces warrior behaviors with holidays, ceremonies, parades, Hollywood movies, TV shows, and memorials to soldiers, wars, and wartime presidents. Individual military members/veterans enjoy medals, promotions, vanity license plates, tax exemptions, free admissions, reserved parking spaces, airline boarding preferences, veteran discounts, and other privileges. These honors and privileges reinforce militarism in the U.S.; no other group of citizens is as revered.

Joe Biden ended his inauguration address, presidential victory speech, and his Democratic National Convention nomination acceptance speech with the words “And may God protect our troops.” Donald Trump usually ended his speeches with “God bless our great military.” Patriotic ceremonies and public recognitions of the military are so commonplace that few Americans even think about, much less question, them.”

To enjoy a rich discussion of the steps countless Americans have taken to resist and overcome the normalization of war, you can read the whole book, available at major bookstores.