Give peace a chance: Don’t believe the war profiteers, Part 3

Detail from Vereshchagin’s painting The Apotheosis of War (1871) came to be admired as one of the earliest artistic expressions of pacifism – Public Domain

by Roy Eidelson

Let’s move to the third core concern manipulated by the war profiteers: distrust. We tend to divide the world into those we find trustworthy and those we don’t. Where we draw that line matters a lot. When we get it right, we avoid harm from those who have hostile intentions, and we’re able to enjoy the rewards of collaborative relationships. But we often make these judgments with only limited information of uncertain reliability. As a result, our conclusions about the trustworthiness of particular people, groups, and sources of information are frequently flawed and problematic, especially when others with ulterior motives—warmongers immediately come to mind—have influenced our thinking.

For instance, “They’re Different from Us” is one distrust mind game that war profiteers rely on when trying to win over the public’s support. They use it to encourage our suspicions of other groups by arguing that they don’t share our values, our priorities, or our principles. We see this regularly, including in the highly lucrative business of promoting Islamophobia, and also when other nations are repeatedly characterized as primitive and barbaric. This mind game works because, psychologically, when we don’t perceive someone as part of our ingroup, we tend to view them as less trustworthy, we hold them in lower regard, and we’re less willing to share scarce resources with them. So, convincing the American public that a group is truly different or deviant is a significant step toward diminishing our concern for their welfare.

At the same time, representatives of the war machine turn to a second distrust appeal—the “They’re Misguided and Misinformed” mind game—to smear anti-war opponents. They spur distrust toward these critics by arguing that they lack sufficient knowledge, or suffer from unrecognized biases, or are the victims of others’ intentional misinformation—and that, as a result, their dissenting views are unworthy of serious consideration. So, for example, the war profiteers disparage and try to discredit anti-war groups like World Beyond War, Code Pink, and Veterans for Peace with demonstrably false claims that the activists don’t understand the real causes of the problems they seek to fix, and that their proposed remedies will only make matters worse for everyone. In fact, the actual evidence rarely supports the positions of endless war enthusiasts. When this mind game is successful, the public disregards important voices of dissent. And when that happens, crucial opportunities for tackling out-of-control militarism and advancing the common good are lost.

Turning now to the fourth core concern, superiority, we’re quick to compare ourselves to others, often in an effort to demonstrate that we’re worthy of respect. Sometimes this desire is even stronger: we want confirmation that we’re better in some important way—perhaps in our accomplishments, or in our values, or in our contributions to society. But in these efforts to bolster our own positive self-appraisals, we’re sometimes encouraged to perceive and portray others in as negative a light as possible, even to the point of dehumanizing them. And since the judgments we make about our own worth—and the qualities of others—are often quite subjective, these impressions are also susceptible to manipulation by the war machine.

For example, the “Pursuing A Higher Purpose” mind game is one way that war profiteers appeal to superiority in order to build public support for endless war. Here, they present their actions as an affirmation of American exceptionalism, insisting that their policies have deep moral underpinnings and reflect the cherished principles that lift this country above others—even when what they’re defending is the pardoning of war criminals; or the torturing of terrorism suspects; or the internment of Japanese-Americans; or the violent overthrow of elected leaders in other countries, to name just a few instances. When this mind game succeeds, contrary indicators—of which there are a lot—are disingenuously explained away as the mere, small imperfections that always come with the pursuit of collective greatness. Too often, the public is fooled when greed is disguised in ways that tap into our sense of pride in our country’s accomplishments and its influence in the world.

Representatives of the war machine simultaneously aim to marginalize their critics with a second superiority appeal: the “They’re Un-American” mind game. Here, they portray those who oppose them as disgruntled and unappreciative of the United States and the values and traditions that “real Americans” hold dear. In doing so, they take particular advantage of the public’s entrenched respect and deference toward all things military. In this way, they prey on the allure of what psychologists call “blind patriotism.” This ideological stance involves the staunch conviction that one’s country is never wrong in its actions or policies, that allegiance to the country must be unquestioning and absolute, and that criticism of the country cannot be tolerated. When this mind game is successful, anti-war forces are further isolated and dissent is ignored or suppressed.

Finally, in regard to our fifth core concern, real or perceived helplessness can sink any undertaking. That’s because believing we can’t control important outcomes in our lives leads to resignation, which wrecks our motivation to work toward valuable personal or collective objectives. Social change efforts are severely hampered when people feel that working together won’t improve their circumstances. The belief that adversity can’t be overcome is something we fight hard to resist. But if we reach that demoralizing conclusion anyway, its effects can be paralyzing and difficult to reverse, and warmongers use this to their advantage.

For instance, the “We’ll All Be Helpless” mind game is one way that war profiteers appeal to helplessness in order to win over to the public’s support. They warn us that if we fail to follow their guidance on purported national security matters, the result will be dire circumstances from which the country may be unable to ever escape. In short, we’ll be much worse off, and without the capacity to undo the damage. The threat that so upsets advocates of endless war may be a proposal to restrict domestic surveillance; or an effort to intensify diplomatic overtures rather than military interventions; or a plan to place limits on runaway Pentagon spending; or calls to reduce our nuclear arsenal—all reasonable paths to protecting human rights and encouraging peace. Unfortunately, prospects of future helplessness are often frightening enough that even deeply flawed arguments against worthwhile recommendations can seem persuasive to an apprehensive public.

At the same time, the war machine works to disempower its critics with a second helplessness appeal: the “Resistance Is Futile” mind game. The message here is simple. We’re in charge and that’s not going to change. Innumerable lobbyists, high-tech displays of “shock and awe” weaponry, and not-so-subtle carrots and sticks with our elected officials are used to create an aura of invincibility against anti-war efforts that aim to moderate the military-industrial complex’s outsized footprints and profits. They work to demoralize, sideline, ostracize, threaten, and intimidate those who seek to restrain them. This ploy works if we’re convinced that we can’t succeed against the war profiteers, because then our change efforts quickly grind to a halt or never get off the ground.

Note from Kathie MM: Visit Engaging Peace Friday for the final post in Dr. Eidelson’s current series. And think activism.

MORE THAN AN “ICON” . . .

By Anthony J. Marsella

Martin Luther King Jr. (MLK) is the most important historical figure of the 20th and 21rst centuries, the indisputable enduring icon of modern times.  There are many brave individuals whose contributions have advanced the human condition, often with similar tragic personal and social results.  However, the more I have studied King’s substantial national and international legacy, the more I have become convinced King is the more than the defining “icon” of our times.   His legacy remains an implacable force and influence long after his passing fifty years ago. In my opinion, this is because King assumed many roles and functions whose consequences continue to endure. 

 The fact is King was (is) more than a relentless courageous civil rights leader whose efforts promoted justice, equality, freedom, and hope for all humanity. He challenged and altered illegal time-endowed values, beliefs, policies, and crimes.

A leader in many roles, King was: 

 • A minister accustomed to offering inspiring and arousing sermons sensitive to moral issues, especially the failure of idealized religious beliefs and practices to address societal failures and flaws.  Reformer!

 • An anti-war activist and advocate questioning individual and national pursuits of violence and war. Anti – War Activist !

 • A statesman, offering political, economic, and social visions for a “new” world free of oppression and abuse, governed by laws, democratic participation, ethical and moral codes, and personal conscience. Statesman!

 • A global leader who liberated citizens around the world from their chains of domestic and foreign governmental oppression. He enlightened minds and aroused souls to use non-violence against oppression. Liberator!

 • A living embodiment of human conscience, replete with struggles and pains of abuse and flaws. Conscience!

 • A symbol of for justice, especially the role of justice in moderating positive goals like peace, harmony, and accord, and contesting negative repressive actions. Symbol! 

 • An intellectual well-versed in the historical and situational determinants of individual and national behavior, including pseudo-rationalizations for beliefs and actions. Intellectual! 

 • A leader capable of mobilizing citizen support of millions across racial and class boundaries in of his beliefs and “dreams,” offering a new vision of what is possible! Visionary!

 • A prophet, emerging at a point in history, demanding revolution in thought and actions. Prophet!

King was persecuted and assassinated, much as other revolutionary prophets have been abused and murdered across history. King’s enduring contributions require that he be placed among the prophets. Chart 1 displays some of the King’s roles, functions, and legacies:

CHART 1: REVEREND MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR.’S

MANY ROLES, FUNCTIONS, AND LEGACIES

Unjustifiable wars and moral imperatives: Another veteran speaks out

Ross Caputi in Iraq.

by Michael J. Corgan

I am writing in response to the recent post on anti-war veteran activist, Ross Caputi.  I don’t consider myself a pacifist since I believe there will always be those who choose to resort to war for little or no good reason and others of us must deal with them.

However, sometimes we  ourselves are the ones who resort to war for little or no good reason; those of us who were in the military as a profession have a particular moral responsibility to speak out.

Like my longtime colleague Andy Bacevich, I am a service academy graduate and served several tours in wars whose justification was uncertain at best. Like him, I am most concerned about our propensity to get into wars for which there was no justification: Mexico in 1846, Spain in 1898,  Woodrow Wilson’s  Latin American invasions, Granada and Panama in 1982, Iraq in 2003, to name just the clearest cases.

At the Naval War College in the late 1970s we began the study of Thucydides and Clausewitz to try to determine why we, a supposed 1st-rate military power lost  to North Vietnam, a supposed 4th-rate military power.

From Thucydides one learns how easily the arrogance of power leads to foolish and disastrous military adventures in which many are killed for no worthy aim. From Clausewitz a more important lesson: know when to quit when you are not going to ‘win.’

What prompts my concern now is our war in Afghanistan, the longest war in our history.  According to New York Times interviews with commanders there,  we are farther from ‘winning’ than ever.

According to international law, we probably had justification for going to war after the Al Qaeda attacks of 9/11; that group operated with either the acquiescence of the Taliban or the inability of the Taliban to prevent  use of their country as an operations base for the attackers. However, after 14 years, what is our justification for continuing a war that kills civilians and is no closer to being concluded than it ever was?

Five hundred years ago,  Mongols couldn’t control the land. Two hundred years ago,  the British began their futile attempt to control it. Then, in the last century, the Russians also failed. All that resulted was a lot of people dead.

Now, in our arrogance, we think we can create a stable country. How can we be effective nation builders when we are foreigners, don’t speak any of the languages, and are infidels. It  isn’t working. Meanwhile people who want no part of either side are dying. There needs to be a solution to problems in that unhappy land but we and our war aren’t providing it even with all our incredible precision weapons and dropping of the largest conventional bomb ever.

The only right thing to do is to extract ourselves and admit the final answer, if there is one, will be attained by those who live there. The moral imperative is that we must go home.

Michael J, Corgan is Associate Professor of Political Science at Boston University.

Seeking War No More

By Edward Agro

Given that an antiwar movement in the U.S., where rampant militarism is the norm, must cast its nets impossibly wide, it’s no wonder that the nonviolent struggle to build a world without war draws proponents from every class and predisposition of American Life.  But what glues together all of us who resist?  Is there a tradition which can give us strength?

Professor Lawrence Rosenwald’s ambitious book ”War No More” helps us find that tradition. It’s not your standard history, focused on well-recognized heroes – usually military – who purportedly single-handedly “make peace” – usually by military means.  Instead it’s a picaresque ramble through three centuries of efforts by individuals, in many cases unknown to history, to celebrate in writing, song, and graphics and often putting their peace and quiet, if not more, on the line to defeat The Juggernaut of militarism that affects and stains all that is good in the American experiment.  Reading these stories will be a great encouragement to modern day activists in the antiwar cause.  And, somewhat like Howard Zinn’s “People’s History of the United States,” it will encourage citizens just awakening to their need to resist.

But if the cause is ponderous, the book is not; I found these 800-plus pages a joy to read.  The thing is so rich that gulping it down all at once is not the only way to extract its treasures.  Rosenwald’s prefatory notes to the selections are a great read in themselves;  they give a good deal of the historical contexts, and though the author refrains from haranguing the reader, they give a  sense of his own passionate conviction.

The selections themselves bring many surprises. Reading the selection “Wailing Shall Be in All Streets” shows the early attempt that finally after many years gave birth to “Slaughterhouse-Five.” There are a number of such discoveries; I’ll let the reader of “War No More” have the pleasure of discovering others.

Even the unknown indexer of this book deserves credit: one can profitably read the index to get another overview of the history of antiwar and nonviolent action.

Of course, no one volume can encompass the totality of the antiwar tradition of America – there’s just too much, and it comes from too many directions, conservative as well as liberal, radically passionate as well as logically argued.

Which brings up the question “War No More” begs us to answer: there has been so much effort and attention given to the struggle against militarism throughout American history, yet where is a generally recognized tradition within which we can find our home?  Perhaps reading “War No More” will be one of the ways conscientious citizens can find or build such a tradition; maybe the tradition will come to be what we celebrate the 4th of July.  One can only hope, and work.

The foregoing is a condensation of a longer review of “War No More,” which appears on Amazon.com