Afghanistan: A Veteran’s Perspective

 

E Battery Royal Horse Artillery escaping from the overwhelming Afghan attack at the Battle of Maiwand, from “Maiwand: Saving the Guns” by Richard Caton Woodville. In the public domain.

by Michael J. Corgan

I don’t consider myself a pacifist. I believe there will always be those who choose to resort to war for little or no good reason and others of us must deal with them. However, sometimes we ourselves are the ones who resort to war for little or no good reason.

Those of us who were in the military as a profession have a particular moral responsibility to speak out.

Like my longtime colleague Andy Bacevich, I am a service academy graduate. I served several tours in wars whose justification was uncertain at best. Like him I am concerned about our propensity to get into wars with no justification: Mexico in 1846, Spain in 1898, Woodrow Wilson’s 20th century Latin American invasions, Granada and Panama in 1982, Iraq in 2003, and others.

At the Naval War College in the late 1970s we began  studying Thucydides and Clausewitz to try to determine why we, a supposed 1st-rate military power, lost to North Vietnam, a supposed 4th-rate military power.

From Thucydides one learns how easily the arrogance of power leads to foolish and disastrous military adventures, in which many are killed for no worthy aim.

From Clausewitz a more important lesson, know when to quit–when you’re not going to ‘win’ and all you’re doing is killing people, however worthy the original reason.

What prompts my concern now is our war in Afghanistan, the longest war in our history. According to New York Times interviews with commanders there,  we are farther from ‘winning’ than ever.

According to international law, we probably had justification for going to war after the Al Qaeda attacks of 9/11 – that group operated with either the acquiescence of the Taliban or the inability of Taliban to prevent using their country as the operations base. But after 14 years, what is our justification for continuing this war that kills civilians without end?

Five hundred years ago, the Mongols couldn’t control the land; 200 years ago the British began their futile attempt to control it; in the last century the Russians also failed.  Now, in our arrogance we think we can create a stable country- though we come as foreigners, don’t speak any of the languages, and are infidels.

It isn’t working. and meanwhile people who want no part of either side are dying. There needs to be a solution to problems in that unhappy land but we and our war aren’t providing it even with all our incredible precision weapons and dropping of the largest conventional bomb ever.

The only right thing to do is to extract ourselves and admit the final answer, if there is one, will be attained by those who live there. The moral imperative is that we must go home.

 

Unjustifiable wars and moral imperatives: Another veteran speaks out

Ross Caputi in Iraq.

by Michael J. Corgan

I am writing in response to the recent post on anti-war veteran activist, Ross Caputi.  I don’t consider myself a pacifist since I believe there will always be those who choose to resort to war for little or no good reason and others of us must deal with them.

However, sometimes we  ourselves are the ones who resort to war for little or no good reason; those of us who were in the military as a profession have a particular moral responsibility to speak out.

Like my longtime colleague Andy Bacevich, I am a service academy graduate and served several tours in wars whose justification was uncertain at best. Like him, I am most concerned about our propensity to get into wars for which there was no justification: Mexico in 1846, Spain in 1898,  Woodrow Wilson’s  Latin American invasions, Granada and Panama in 1982, Iraq in 2003, to name just the clearest cases.

At the Naval War College in the late 1970s we began the study of Thucydides and Clausewitz to try to determine why we, a supposed 1st-rate military power lost  to North Vietnam, a supposed 4th-rate military power.

From Thucydides one learns how easily the arrogance of power leads to foolish and disastrous military adventures in which many are killed for no worthy aim. From Clausewitz a more important lesson: know when to quit when you are not going to ‘win.’

What prompts my concern now is our war in Afghanistan, the longest war in our history.  According to New York Times interviews with commanders there,  we are farther from ‘winning’ than ever.

According to international law, we probably had justification for going to war after the Al Qaeda attacks of 9/11; that group operated with either the acquiescence of the Taliban or the inability of the Taliban to prevent  use of their country as an operations base for the attackers. However, after 14 years, what is our justification for continuing a war that kills civilians and is no closer to being concluded than it ever was?

Five hundred years ago,  Mongols couldn’t control the land. Two hundred years ago,  the British began their futile attempt to control it. Then, in the last century, the Russians also failed. All that resulted was a lot of people dead.

Now, in our arrogance, we think we can create a stable country. How can we be effective nation builders when we are foreigners, don’t speak any of the languages, and are infidels. It  isn’t working. Meanwhile people who want no part of either side are dying. There needs to be a solution to problems in that unhappy land but we and our war aren’t providing it even with all our incredible precision weapons and dropping of the largest conventional bomb ever.

The only right thing to do is to extract ourselves and admit the final answer, if there is one, will be attained by those who live there. The moral imperative is that we must go home.

Michael J, Corgan is Associate Professor of Political Science at Boston University.

In need of a moral compass (Drone warfare, Part 2)

By guest author Dr. Mike Corgan

On War by Carl von ClausewitzAll our legal and moral strictures about ethics and laws in war presume that war is, in a Clausewitzian sense, a state to state activity. Both Scott Shane and Tom Junod do not fully come to grips with this reality.

What happens when a state, like the US, faces a non-state adversary, like al Qaeda? With whom are we “at war”? Where is what we might call a “war zone”? Who is a “soldier”‘ and thus liable to violent action?

The dilemma is one of our own making. The US has become so militarily powerful that few will try to challenge us in a conventional military way through conventional state actions.

Non-state actors like al Qaeda present threats less than conventional military force but well beyond the current capabilities of domestic police forces. Modern communications and technology have enabled such groups to be as deadly as smaller states once were. Perhaps even more so.

Identifying how to deal with  non-state actors who can do a country great harm is not a new dilemma. Even Carl von Clausewitz himself saw this with the Spanish guerrillas in the Napoleonic Wars. And he had no answer.

However, the time is now at hand to confront the issue before drone warfare is more widely available. We must learn how to preserve the security of a country’s people without undoing security altogether by the methods used.

These are uncharted waters and a moral compass is badly needed.

Michael T. Corgan, Ph.D., Associate Professor and Director of Undergraduate Studies
Department of International Relations, Boston University

No armed forces? Consider cyber warfare (Just war, Part 9)

By guest author Mike Corgan

So far, most of the posts in the just war series in this blog have dealt with the circumstances under which a country can resort to war. But there has been a tacit understanding that only countries with what we all recognize as armed forces are under consideration.

Cyber war training course
U.S. military cyber war training. Image in public domain

That is changing  dramatically. Soon even poorer countries can consider resorting to a damaging war–and they would be following the U.S. lead when they do so.

There are two technological innovations that make this possible: cyber or network warfare and drones (unmanned aircraft vehicles or UAVs as they are often labeled). The U.S. has  had the lead in using both tools, but we won’t be alone for long.

The military philosopher Carl von Clausewitz said that things in war never reach ultimate violence because you can’t deliver all your force at once. That was even true with nuclear weapons. But now that circumstance is changing fast. Consider cyber warfare.

Computer hacking by various disruptive elements has been a widespread annoyance for some time now but someone with major hardware and resources, and with requisite malice can do real damage. It’s more than scrambling ATMs, disrupting traffic lights, or turning off the power.

Positive destruction is now within the capability of even modestly equipped network warriors. For example, reverse the current and polarity of electricity at a power plant and huge, hard to replace generators can be ripped off their foundations.

Michael T. Corgan, Associate Professor and Associate Chair, International Relations, Boston University