Fallujah: Death and destruction again, Part 3

By guest contributor Ian Hansen

Anwar al-Awlaki
Imam Anwar al-Awlaki. Photo by Muhammead ud-Deen, from Wikimedia Commons. Used under CC Attribution-Share Alike 2.5 Generic license.

For those of us who are not financially invested in the expansion of war and the national security state, Fallujah’s siege by Al Qaeda does at least offer us a teaching moment.

The U.S. government, which says it is opposed to terrorism, is both manifesting terrorism in its policies and creating reactive terrorism among the people we pretend to be concerned with saving and protecting.

Reactive terrorism–often from groups with horrific oppression-supporting ideologies that are eerily reminiscent of the predominant militarism and dominionism in our own culture–allows our government to justify an even more extended campaign of terrorism that is both lucrative and sociopathically gratifying for a powerful subset of our ruling elite.

As we reflect on the fall of Fallujah to our enemies-like-us, we should reflect also on the violence-advocating and influential cleric Anwar al-Awlaki. Awlaki was once widely known as a “moderate,” even Bush-supporting, Muslim U.S. citizen, and his turn to an ideology of violent hatred was also a product of U.S. ham-handedness and indiscriminate brutality in the name of fighting terrorism.

In assassinating the person al-Awlaki turned into, and doing so without charge or transparent evidence of his involvement in any crime (other than hateful and irresponsible free speech and friendly associations with Al Qaeda propagandists and other figures), the U.S. has set ominous legal precedents that cannot now be easily undone.

With his assassination, that of U.S. citizen Samir Khan, as well as of Awlaki’s clearly noncombatant and unaffiliated 16 year old son, the U.S. has symbolically tainted its War on Terror with the blood of Absalom.

When we fight wars, we believe are fighting against some Other, but there is no Other.  All acts of violence are ultimately carried out against oneself, because the chain is unbroken.

And since our government will not cry tears of remorse, we must be the ones to weep, “O my son Absalom–my son, my son Absalom…O Absalom, my son, my son!”

Ian Hansen, Ph.D., is an assistant professor in the Department of Behavioral Sciences at York College, City University of New York. His research focuses in part on how witness for human rights and peace can transcend explicit political ideology. He is also on the Steering Committee for Psychologists for Social Responsibility.

Malala

By guest contributor Sunanda Sharma

Malala Yousafzai is known as “the girl who stood up for education and was shot by the Taliban,” and she casually includes that on the title page of her incredible book, I Am Malala.

Malala at the White House
Malala at the White House. Photo by Pete Souza, in public domain.

Before she was shot, Malala anonymously chronicled her life under the pen name Gul Makai for BBC in 2009.

Malala states in her book that her father, Ziauddin, has been her greatest inspiration in advocating for women’s rights and education for all children. His own sisters were not allowed to get an education, being forced instead to learn all the household chores that would be expected of them once they were wed.

Based on his observation of his sisters’ fates and his own love of learning, Ziauddin started his own chain of public schools in Swat, Pakistan, including the school that Malala attended until she was shot by the Taliban in October 2012.

The Taliban occupation of Swat was a harrowing time for residents of the Valley. Malala describes how Fazlullah, “the radio Mullah,” broadcast rules for “proper” Islamic conduct, which he claimed were written in the Qu’ran. I Am Malala

A mufti (Muslim scholar) tried to shut down Ziauddin’s schools, claiming they were “haram” (prohibited in Islam). The mufti went on to accuse Malala’s father of being an infidel. But Ziauddin said, “I am a Muslim too,”  asserting that he had never heard of such ridiculous claims in the Qu’ran.

Their conflict reflects the struggles of the modern Muslim whose religious identity is so misunderstood by Westerners who fail to recognize the divide between radical extremists claiming to act in the name of religion and the millions of Muslims who practice Islam as peaceful citizens.

Malala’s story led to her United Nations address on July 12, 2013–her sixteenth birthday–which is now known as Malala Day. Her speech is powerful but sweet, reflecting her personality.

Sunanda Sharma is a senior undergraduate at Boston University, majoring in psychology and intent on promoting peace

Terrorism personified: The Boko Haram in Nigeria (Part 3 of Fundamentalism vs. Extremism)

Third in a series by guest contributor Emmanuel C. Mbaezue

Map of Nigerian states with Boko Haram activity between 2010-2013
Nigerian states with Boko Haram activity between 2010-2013. By Nerika, used under CC Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported license. From Wikimedia Commons

At first they started as a political interest group, seeking, since the 1999 elections, to return the “Northern Oligarchy” in Nigeria to power. But today, the true face of the group has been revealed and their real intentions exposed.

Boko Haram has gone from a politico-religious extremist group to global terrorists—at least according to the global terrorist watch list published by the U.S. National Security Agency (NSA).

As the state of unrest, chaos, and political instability in Nigeria continues to worsen, Boko Haram has consistently taken advantage of the situation, using it to expand their frontiers and strengthen their affiliation with other terrorist groups operating in sub-Saharan Africa, the Maghreb region, and the horn of Africa.

In recognition of this deepening crisis, the African Center for Strategic Studies (ACSS), in collaboration with intellectuals from both Africa and the U.S., recently came together to deliberate on this developing situation under the platform of “understanding and mitigating the drivers of Islamist extremism in Northern Nigeria.”

This video provides information about those discussions. It also serves as introduction to the development of extremism within a context of colonialism and post-colonialism and its links to religion in Africa, with a focus on Nigeria, Africa’s most populous Muslim country.

Emmanuel Chukwuemeka Mbaezue has a Master of Science in Conflict Management and Peace Studies from University of Jos, Jos, Plateau State. He is a member of the Institute of Chartered Mediators and Conciliators, and works as a paralegal counsel at the Legal Aid Council for the Federal Ministry of Justice in Nigeria.

Engaging peace with the Peace Corps

By guest author Ellie Gutowski

The Peace Corps is an initiative of the U.S. government to promote peace and friendship among participating countries and the United States. It was started in 1961 by President John F. Kennedy, who called for Americans to serve abroad. I was a Peace Corps volunteer in Niger and in Malawi from 2010 to 2013.

Eleanor Roosevelt and John F. Kennedy discuss the Peace Corps in 1961
Eleanor Roosevelt and John F. Kennedy discuss the Peace Corps in 1961. Image in public domain.

The Peace Corps helped me to understand the world from a broader  perspective. In Niger, I was a newcomer to a Muslim community where a family cared for me, listening patiently as I spoke in broken Hausa, pulling my water from a well that was over a football field deep, and sharing two meals per day of pounded millet and okra.

My time in Niger allowed me and my American friends and family to question and combat stereotypes perpetuated in the U.S. media about people from other lands.

I lived in that village for nine days until Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb ventured over the Mali border and kidnapped two French men from a restaurant. After hearing this news on the radio, the Peace Corps chose to evacuate, and I was reassigned. Peace Corps volunteers had to leave their communities, all due to what seemed like a relatively small group of desperate individuals.

Before the vehicle came to get me in the morning, I visited newborn twins and my Nigerien host mother finally let me pound millet–a difficult task that she had previously not allowed me to do. When I was back in America, she called me on my cell phone to greet me in Hausa.

I hope that the connections I made and my efforts to understand another culture were a step in promoting peace locally and abroad, and I am inspired by others doing the same.

Ellie Gutowski has spent the past four years working in the realm of social justice. Before joining the Peace Corps, she developed a peer support program at Whitman Walker Health in Washington, D.C. She served in the Peace Corps  as a Community Health Advisor, first in Niger and then for 27 months in the southern African country of Malawi, where she worked on HIV prevention. She is currently laboratory manager for the Group on International Perspectives on Governmental Aggression and Peace (GIPGAP) in the Boston University Psychology Department.