Does Nonviolent Resistance Work? Part 3c

This is the third of three posts comprising Part III of a series of posts in which Dr. Ian Hansen shares his thoughts on nonviolence.

See also Part 1aPart 1bPart 1cPart 2aPart 2bPart2cPart3a and Part3b.

At the end of my last post, I raised the issue of nations for which the original relations of domination grew even more entrenched after a nonviolent revolution. This is arguably the case with the Palestinians, as Dr. Wasfi noted in the comment inspiring this series of posts.

The first Palestinian Intifada was, for the most part, somewhere between nonviolent and low technology violent (throwing stones). Needless to say, Israeli soldiers did not restrict themselves to throwing stones when trying to suppress the intifada—so it could at least be called a “less violent” revolution than the means of suppression employed against it. And though the Intifada generated a lot more international sympathy than, say, murdering Olympic athletes in Munich did, it still did not get Palestinians a real state, and the resulting Oslo accords were largely seen as a cruel joke from the Palestinian perspective.

Again, it is difficult to tease out cause and effect here since nonviolence and violence have co-occurred in the Palestinian field of resistance over the decades (and, as Dr. Wasfi said in her comment, this is usually the case in most, if not all, historical mass uprisings). However, in cases where nonviolence has been the primary strategy used by Palestinians–as in the West Bank village of Budrus–it seems that the ability to resist land grabs and other acts of oppression is potentially very reliable. (I highly recommend Julia Bacha’s documentary on the Budrus, previewed at the beginning of this post. It is one of the better films about any nonviolent campaign). I haven’t seen any studies that systematically compare the goal-achieving success of relatively violent and relatively nonviolent acts of resistance village-by-village in Palestine, but this is a low hanging fruit for any sociologist of the region.

Ian Hansen, Ph.D., is an assistant professor in the Department of Behavioral Sciences at York College, City University of New York. His research focuses in part on how witness for human rights and peace can transcend explicit political ideology. He is also on the Steering Committee for Psychologists for Social Responsibility.

Does Nonviolent Resistance Work? Part 3a

This is the first of three posts comprising Part III of a series of posts in which Dr. Ian Hansen shares his thoughts on nonviolence.

Protestors responding to tear gas in peaceful anti-government protest in Venezuela, March 12, 2014.
Protestors responding to tear gas in peaceful anti-government protest in Venezuela, March 12, 2014.
Photo by Daga95.

In a previous post, I ended by discussing the dubiousness of partially nonviolent revolutions that result in the coup-like overthrow of deeply flawed but democratically-elected governments—like the Yanukovich government in the Ukraine and the Morsi government in Egypt.

Sometimes, of course, the system of elections is too broken or corrupt for there to be any hope of reflecting the popular will, in which case a popular nonviolent revolution can present a tempting alternative to just tinkering around with a broken or rigged system.  But any such revolution should be undertaken carefully to facilitate a better and more equitable system of government accountability than the one it overthrew, and to do so quickly.  It is a rare occasion when unelected revolutionary leaders make better decisions than the democratically-elected leaders they overthrow.

I am not cheered by the post-democratic governments of Egypt and Ukraine, and I think the fragile corrupt democracies overthrown by the partially nonviolent coups should probably have been given more time to work.  Now that these nascent democracies have been replaced by coup leaders of very mixed political extractions (including fascists in Ukraine and aficionados of torture and military dictatorship in Egypt), the people in the streets cheering the revolutionary downfall of the leaders they elected face an uncertain and probably darker future.  And I am nervously watching developments in Venezuela.

Ian Hansen, Ph.D., is an assistant professor in the Department of Behavioral Sciences at York College, City University of New York. His research focuses in part on how witness for human rights and peace can transcend explicit political ideology. He is also on the Steering Committee for Psychologists for Social Responsibility.