Oracle, Optimist, Ostrich, or Obfuscator? Part 2. The Multiple Abominations of Slavery

Photograph of an FBI agent leading away an adult suspect arrested in the “Operation Cross Country II”
Image is in the public domain.

In his argument that violence has been declining for centuries, Steven Pinker (Oracle, Optimist, Ostrich, or Obfuscator? Part 1) claims that activities such as “slavery as a labor-saving device were unexceptionable features of life for most of human history”—and certainly slavery has been around a long time, but not equally so in all parts of the world.

However, today, Pinker insists, slavery and other such abominations “are rare to nonexistent in the West, far less common elsewhere than they used to be, concealed when they do occur, and widely condemned when they are brought to light.”

Such an assertion is disingenuous at best and dangerously deceptive at worst. Has slavery been nothing historically except a labor saving device? Is sex trafficking merely an effort at labor saving? If not, does that mean sex trafficking does not count as slavery? Has Pinker considered all the modern forms that slavery takes?

It seems unlikely that Pinker’s definition of slavery is as broad as that of the U.S. Department of State, whose definition of modern slavery includes forced labor, sex trafficking, bonded labor, debt bondage among migrant laborers, involuntary domestic servitude, forced child labor, child soldiers, and child sex trafficking (here’s a horror story on that topic). And how about convict labor, especially given that the U.S. prison population has quadrupled in the last four decades.

These forms of slavery are certainly concealed and often widely condemned when brought to light but many of them are not nonexistent and not even rare in the US and elsewhere in the West.

In a recent article in The Atlantic, J.J. Gould tells us, “150 years after the Emancipation Proclamation, buying and selling people into forced labor is bigger than ever.” Indeed, he says, “There are now twice as many people enslaved in the world as there were in the 350 years of the transatlantic slave trade”—with the current global slave population estimated at between 20 million and 30 million people.

Seems to me it would take a lot of statistical shenanigans and redefinitions of terms to translate those figures into a “decline in slavery.”

Kathie Malley-Morrison, Professor of Psychology

Prosecuting the perpetrators (The Khmer Rouge genocide, Part 3)

[This is the third of four posts by Dr. Leakhena Nou on the legacy of the Khmer Rouge genocide.]

In the 21st century, efforts have been made to promote restorative justice and end the culture of impunity in Cambodia. For example, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, a hybrid court drawing on U.N. and Cambodian legal teams, began prosecuting senior Khmer Rouge perpetrators in February 2009.

Killing Fields bones
Killing Fields bones of children in Cambodia. Photo by Oliver Spalt used under CC Attribution-Share Alike 2.5 Generic license.

In Case 001,  Kaing Guek Eav (alias Duch, former S-21 Chief Commandant), was convicted of war crimes and crimes against humanity (murder, enslavement, torture, and other inhumane acts). When Duch appealed the verdict,  the ECCC responded by handing down a sentence of life imprisonment without parole or further appeals.

Duch’s formal apology was disseminated to the public:

“May I be permitted to apologize to the survivors of the [Khmer Rouge] regime and also the loved ones of those who died brutally during the regime […] I know that the crimes I committed against the lives of those people, including women and children, are intolerably and unforgivably serious crimes. My plea is that you leave the door open for me to seek forgiveness.”

In your view, how should Cambodians and others respond to such an apology after a genocide?

Case 002 brings to trial four other senior leaders of the Khmer Rouge including Ieng Sary (former Minister of Foreign Affairs), and his wife Ieng Thirith (former Minister of Social Affairs).

Despite current legal initiatives to end the culture of impunity and deter violence, Cambodia remains plagued by chronic, multifaceted, and evolving social problems. These include

  • Human and sex trafficking and other related human rights abuses
  • High rates of unemployment, poverty, diseases, and domestic violence
  • Widening inequalities among social groups, and
  • Lack of access to adequate education, health, and social services.

 

These shortcomings highlight and reinforce many of the social, economic, political, and structural problems and conditions that ignited the Khmer Rouge violence nearly forty years ago.

Leakhena Nou, Associate Professor of sociology at California State University at Long Beach and executive director of the Applied Social Research Institute of Cambodia