Today’s Assignment: Human Rights 365

 

Wednesday December 10 is Human Rights Day, a commemoration day for the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

The theme this year is Human Rights 365—that is, a reminder that every day should be a human rights day.

Brothers and sisters, we have a long way to go.

 

 

  •  Racism violates human rights.
  • Slavery violates human rights.
  • Torture violates human rights.
  • Murder violates human rights.
  • Prolonged solitary confinement violates human rights.
  • Even severe poverty is a human rights violation.

Racism, slavery, torture, murder, prolonged solitary confinement, and severe poverty are not things people choose or desire. Nor, according to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, do people deserve such abominations, even if those people are different, annoying, foreign, other, scary.

The US government is fond of pointing the finger at human rights violations in selected other nations (not, generally, their allies), but such finger pointing is just another example of “Do as I say, not as I do.” All those human rights violations take place in the US today, every day, and all too many people are quick to find “justifications” concerning why racism , slavery, torture , murder, etc., are not human rights violations if done in or by the United States.

On Human Rights Day, 365 days a year, try to listen to a different drummer.  Fight racism, fight slavery, fight torture. Raise your voice against murder, solitary confinement, poverty, forced feeding, unequal opportunity, and all the social injustices that infect our society and damage us all. Make the world a better place. Right here at home. Do what you can.  365.

Does nonviolent resistance work? Part 2c

March of Peace, Ukraine mothers for peace.
March of Peace, Ukraine mothers for peace.
Photo by Bogomolov.PL, licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported license.

This is the third of three posts comprising Part II of a series of posts in which Dr. Ian Hansen shares his thoughts on nonviolence.

See also Part 1aPart 1bPart 1cPart 2a and Part 2b.

Nonviolent movements are less likely to catch oppressors by surprise than they once were.  As machine gun-firing, molotov cocktail-throwing, bomb-detonating revolutionary violence goes increasingly out of style in our post-Cold War age, nonviolence becomes a more common strategy.  And governments have increasingly devised a large array of strategies to infiltrate, corrupt, disrupt, distract, and—if necessary—crush these movements with an efficient minimum of brutality.  The U.S. government did a particularly elegant job of effectively erasing the beautiful and exclusively nonviolent Occupy movement, for instance, and without killing a single person (though apparently they had plans to launch sniper attacks against some movement leaders).  Another example is China.  Since the public relations disaster of the Beijing Massacre in 1989, China and the U.S. have developed very similar means of crushing internal dissent—maximal repression with minimal murderousness.

And, as the popularly-supported coup in Ukraine makes clear, governments also appear to have figured out how to create economic conditions for, and then mobilize, nonviolent revolutions in other countries in a way that suits their strategic interests.  When a nonviolent movement is “successful,” there is reason to suspect that its success was not entirely a matter of “people power” but also of other regional or global power plays behind the scenes.

Take home message: big powers can turn even a disciplined (mostly) nonviolent mass movement to their advantage, and against the interests of those who struggled in that movement.  Originally nonviolent mass movements (like the massive street protests against Morsi in Egypt and against Yanukovych in Ukraine) can even be manipulated to enable the violent coup-like overthrow of unpopular but democratically-elected governments.   As bad as these unpopular governments sometimes are, overthrowing them with popularly-supported coups may be inferior to impeachment proceedings or voting the offending party or person out in the next election.  Nonviolence wears a halo compared to violence, but not every mostly nonviolent movement deserves our moral adulation.

Ian Hansen, Ph.D., is an assistant professor in the Department of Behavioral Sciences at York College, City University of New York. His research focuses in part on how witness for human rights and peace can transcend explicit political ideology. He is also on the Steering Committee for Psychologists for Social Responsibility.

Healing in the aftermath of 9/11

Ground Zero memorial
Ground Zero (Photo by Niesy74; Permission is granted to use this document under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License, Version 1.2. From WikiMedia Commons)

As we reflect back on the events and aftermath of September 11, 2001, it is useful to consider the question of healing.

Let’s look at an example from the last century. The U.S. and several of its allies learned, at least temporarily, a lesson after World War I.

They learned that a rabid preoccupation with revenge and punishment can keep hatred and a desire for retaliation alive and lead to further violence. Thus, the outcome of World War I led to World War II.

The aftermath to World War II was handled differently and with wisdom, as the allies helped the Axis powers rebuild. Today Germany and Japan are major allies of the United States.

Furthermore, the U.S. government has apologized to the innocent Japanese Americans who were corralled into concentration camps in the U.S. for no reason other than their Japanese ancestry.

Today in New York City we see a reprise of the kinds of hatred and distrust being leveled at innocent Americans because of their ancestry–in this case because they are Muslims.

The efforts to stop the building of an Islamic cultural center near Ground Zero are fueled not just by prejudice and ethnocentrism but by the political agenda of power-seekers.

Those power-seekers know that one way to get people to follow you and build your power is to foment fear while also making them believe that you have the answers. But are they the right answers?

Kathie Malley-Morrison, Professor of Psychology