With the Win-Win Machine, Most of Us Actually Lose

by Roy Eidelson

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Somewhere, deep in the bowels of our nation’s capital, today’s Democratic Party establishment keeps close guard over a hulking, fearsome, and often temperamental machine. With hundreds of moving parts, it’s surprising that the elaborate contraption has only one purpose: to take bold and popular policy proposals that could improve millions of lives, chew them up, and then spit out much feebler versions that don’t materially threaten the status quo. Servicing this apparatus isn’t cheap. But that’s not a problem because so many corporate behemoths—Wall Street, Big Oil, health insurers, Big Pharma, defense contractors, and beyond—are more than happy to foot the bill. They’re also very generous when it comes to tipping the machine’s operators, which apparently is how the Win-Win Machine got its name.

Given how well this arrangement works for its beneficiaries, the Democratic leadership understandably finds it unsettling whenever progressive candidates—having won office despite the considerable obstacles routinely erected by the Democratic National Committee and its offshoots—enter Congress but refuse to get their hands dirty by helping out with the Win-Win Machine. Indeed, worries about the machine’s future—and the buckets of money it reliably brings—are undoubtedly part of the impetus behind a post-election narrative being promoted by establishment Democrats. They claim that support for “socialism” among progressive candidates—in the form of Medicare for All, a Green New Deal, and other efforts to counter injustice and inequality—is the reason the party failed to expand its control of the House or win back the Senate.

But the evidence doesn’t fit this self-serving account. Around the country, progressive candidates—and policies—flourished. Noteworthy winners in their races include Rashida Tlaib in Michigan, Ilhan Omar in Minnesota, Ayanna Pressley in Massachusetts, Pramila Jayapal in Washington, Cori Bush in Missouri, Marie Newman in Illinois, Katie Porter and Ro Khanna in California, and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Jamaal Bowman, and Mondaire Jones in New York. As Bernie Sanders wrote a week after Election Day, “It turns out that supporting universal health care during a pandemic and enacting major investments in renewable energy as we face the existential threat to our planet from climate change is not just good public policy. It also is good politics.”

Nevertheless, the seemingly coordinated blame-the-Left propaganda we’re now hearing was entirely predictable—because it soothes the billionaire class. And for those politicians who prioritize comfort over consequence in their careers, that may be what matters most. So progressives are portrayed as misguided and misinformed, as out of touch with what Americans really want, and as proponents of dangerous reforms. In sharp contrast, so-called centrists are depicted as having been unjustly victimized and as blameless for the party’s shortcomings. The don’t-rock-the-boat Democrats who encourage this view have a clear goal: to demoralize, marginalize, ostracize, and intimidate those members who they fear will muck up the Win-Win Machine.

Meanwhile, for the many millions of Americans who were unenthusiastic about Joe Biden’s “nothing will fundamentally change” platform yet voted for him anyway because they understood the necessity of preventing another horrific four years of Donald Trump, this open hostility toward a progressive agenda undermines their interests, their values, and their aspirations. If Biden now selects only corporate-friendly, status-quo-defending advisors and Cabinet members, and if he touts watered-down bipartisan “solutions” as stunning successes, it will further cement the betrayal.

Of course, none of this suggests that Trump, Mitch McConnell, and other Republican Party leaders are any better. Indeed, they’re much worse. Consistently ruthless and single-minded in pursuing a narrow and greed-driven agenda, they count on fearmongering, racist dog-whistling, and appeals to blind patriotism to attract the intolerant and the disillusioned. Even with Trump gone, there’s little reason to expect that this GOP strategy will change.

But this reality doesn’t mean that we have to wholeheartedly embrace and defend Democratic politicians who condemn their progressive counterparts while jeopardizing the common good by deferring to the divergent preferences of their largest donors. Instead, let’s insist that these Democrats begin the new era ahead by finding a more suitable home for their anti-democratic Win-Win Machine.

Two options quickly come to mind: toss the entire contraption into the Potomac, or install it in the Smithsonian for public viewing—as a reminder of how a political party can lose its way by abandoning its core principles and its most vulnerable constituents.

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Roy Eidelson is a past president of Psychologists for Social Responsibility and the former executive director of the University of Pennsylvania’s Solomon Asch Center for Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict. His book Political Mind Games: How the 1% Manipulate Our Understanding of What’s Happening, What’s Right, and What’s Possible is now available as afree PDF. Follow him on Twitter at @royeidelson.

Black Lives Matter: Resisting the propaganda of status quo defenders

Congress kneels for Black Lives Matter. Office of Congressman Colin Allred. In the public domain.

by Roy Eidelson

First came the new names—Breonna TaylorGeorge FloydRayshard Brooks, and others—all added one by one to the long list of tragic, unjustifiable police killings of Black Americans. Then came the batons, the pepper spray, the tear gas, the flash-grenades, the helicopters, the armored vehicles, and the rubber bullets wielded against nonviolent Black Lives Matter protesters across the United States, from Minneapolis to New York City to Portland. And then came the chorus of privileged beneficiaries of our country’s discriminatory status quo, denying and defending the reality of brutal, racist, militarized, and unaccountable over-policing.

This sequence—grievous harm and public outrage followed by false reassurances from self-serving voices—is a familiar pattern. It’s one that I’ve studied as a psychologist, focusing primarily on the manipulative “political mind games” that the rich and powerful use to preserve an oppressive and inequitable system, one that rewards the few at the expense of the many. I’ve found that these propaganda ploys often target five specific concerns in our daily lives—namely, issues of vulnerability, injustice, distrust, superiority, and helplessness. Each of these concerns is linked to a key question we regularly ask ourselves: Are we safe? Are we being treated fairly? Who should we trust? Are we good enough? Can we control what happens to us?

Because these questions are so central to how we make sense of the world, it’s not surprising that the so-called one-percent aren’t the only ones for whom disingenuous answers become rhetorical weapons. The same appeals are used by other status-quo defending authorities when their apparent wrongdoing and corruption are too obvious to ignore. This is clearly the case in the current national crisis over police brutality and institutional racism, where these mind games are promoted to create the doubt and division that undermine the solidarity necessary for achieving long overdue progress.

This essay describes ten of these pernicious mind games. First, however, it’s important to emphasize a crucial point: the evidence of racial injustice in our system of law enforcement is overwhelming. Areas in which scientific research has convincingly shown that Black Americans are treated much worse than their white counterparts include the issues of police violenceprofilingmisdemeanor arrestsdrug possession arrestsplea-bargainingjury selectionsentencingmass incarceration, and death penalty cases. The manipulative appeals I examine here are all designed to shield these indisputable inequities from both our awareness and our efforts at reform.

Vulnerability: Are we safe?

Whether as passing thoughts or haunting worries, we often wonder if the people we care about are in harm’s way, and if there might be danger on the horizon. Our judgments on these matters go a long way in determining the choices we make and the actions we take—it’s only when we think we’re safe that we comfortably turn our attention to other things. Unfortunately, we’re not very good at assessing risks or the effectiveness of possible responses to them. That’s why psychological appeals targeting these concerns are a frequent propaganda tactic of defenders of the status quo. Here are two examples.

Status quo defenders regularly use the “It’s A Dangerous World” mind game in their efforts to justify aggressive action or authoritarian control. By encouraging us to imagine fraught scenarios and catastrophic outcomes, we become more obedient when we’re instructed to follow commands and relinquish our rights. Similarly, claiming that they’re keeping everyone safe from ominous threats is how extreme law-and-order advocates defend bloated budgets and military-style weaponry for police departments, and even violent crackdowns against peaceful protesters. In the same way, police representatives defend the unwarranted use of force against unarmed civilians by insisting that they themselves feel threatened and under siege, and they exaggerate the dangers they actually face by falsely characterizing a group like Black Lives Matter as a terrorist organization. If we fall for these alarmist accounts, we’re more likely to conclude that outrageous transgressions by law enforcement are necessary to ensure the public’s welfare and security.

Defenders of the status quo turn to a second vulnerability mind game—“Change Is Dangerous”—whenever reforms proposed by others are likely to diminish their power or hamper their ambitions. At such times, they misleadingly argue that these new policies will place everyone in greater jeopardy. Unfortunately, this appeal often works because psychologically we tend to prefer what’s familiar to us over what’s different or new. It’s therefore no surprise that law enforcement representatives are now out in force warning us how dangerous it would be to adopt changes like reducing police budgets, or increasing community oversight of police operations, or removing the “qualified immunity” protections that prevent victims of police brutality from suing their perpetrators. When we’re persuaded by these and other unfounded claims of peril, we’re less likely to support urgently needed reforms.

Injustice: Are we being treated fairly?

Cases of real or perceived mistreatment frequently stir anger and resentment, as well as an urge to right wrongs and bring accountability to those we hold responsible. That can all be very good. But our perceptions about what’s just and what’s not are imperfect, which makes us potential targets for manipulation by those who have a selfish interest in shaping our views of right and wrong to their advantage. This is exactly what defenders of the status quo work hard to do. Consider these two examples.

Status quo defenders routinely use the “No Injustice Here” mind game to quell public outrage over their wrongdoing. They either deny that misconduct has occurred or insist that it’s been greatly exaggerated. This appeal frequently succeeds because we like to believe that we live in a just world, and that those in positions of power are fair-minded rather than driven by self-interest. So law enforcement officials will portray instances of police brutality as necessary acts of self-defense. And when the evidence of abuse is beyond dispute, they’ll then contend that there’s no systemic racism—the problem, they insist, is merely a few “bad apples.” At the same time, the “blue wall of silence” strongly discourages police officers from speaking out about the crimes of their colleagues. The public’s embrace of deceptive claims like these stands in the way of justice for those who’ve been victimized.

When their policies or actions are criticized, defenders of the status quo take advantage of a second injustice mind game: “We’re the Victims.” They brazenly complain that they’re the ones who are really being mistreated. This turning of the tables is designed to encourage confusion and disagreement among the public over who’s right, who’s wrong, who’s the victim, and who’s the perpetrator. That’s why law enforcement heads disingenuously insist that it’s the police who are actually being “oppressed” or “handcuffed” or “scapegoated” in doing their job; that “Blue Lives Matter” too yet the police don’t receive the respect they deserve from the public; and that they’re denied due process when claims of abuse arise. If these misleading appeals are successful, our concern is directed away from the actual victims of police misconduct and the institutional racism that encourages it.

Distrust: Who should we trust?

We tend to divide the world into those we find trustworthy and those we don’t. Where we draw that line matters a lot. If we get it right, we avoid harm from those who have hostile intentions, and we’re able to enjoy the rewards of fulfilling relationships. But we often make these judgments with only limited and uncertain information. As a result, our conclusions about the trustworthiness of particular people and groups are frequently flawed and problematic—especially when others with self-serving objectives influence our thinking. Here are two examples.

With the “They’re Devious and Dishonest” mind game, status quo defenders smear their opponents by portraying them as untrustworthy and lacking in integrity. In this way, they aim to undercut the public’s concern for those who are struggling by instead arguing that any claims of adversity or mistreatment are mere fabrications. This is the ploy that was used when the U.S. Attorney General dismissed protesters against police brutality as “outside radicals and agitators,” and when the President suggested that an elderly human rights activist injured by police is actually an “antifa provocateur,” and when a right-wing talk show host warned that Black Lives Matter is an extremist political party with ulterior motives to remake and control the United States. When this fraudulent mind game succeeds, our worries over misplacing our trust—and possible betrayal—lead us to disregard urgent voices of dissent.

“They’re Different from Us” is a second distrust mind game regularly employed by defenders of the status quo. By taking advantage of our tendency to be more suspicious and less generous toward people we perceive as outsiders, this appeal is designed to create psychological distance between the general public and those who are most disadvantaged by the current system. This is why spokespersons from law enforcement and conservative media move so quickly to tarnish the reputations of the Black victims of police violence by characterizing them as “thugs” and “super-predators” and by relying on racist dog whistles to promote negative stereotypes. Likewise, Black Lives Matter protesters are falsely depicted as anarchists with principles and priorities that diverge from the values of everyday Americans. If we fall for false narratives like these, our support for the abused and the outraged evaporates.

Superiority: Are we good enough?

We’re quick to compare ourselves to others, often in order to demonstrate that we’re worthy of respect. Sometimes this desire is even stronger: we want confirmation that we’re better in some important way—perhaps in our values, or in our contributions to society. But in these efforts to bolster our own self-appraisals, we’re sometimes encouraged to perceive others in as negative a light as possible, even to the point of dehumanizing them. And since the judgments we make about our own worth—and the qualities of others—are often quite subjective, these impressions are susceptible to manipulation. Consider these two examples.

With the “Pursuing A Higher Purpose” mind game, status quo defenders solicit the public’s support by claiming that their self-serving enterprises are actually aimed at enhancing the common good. We want to believe that our leaders are committed to causes with broad societal benefits, so this appeal can make us more tolerant of the outrages that they portray as merely unavoidable imperfections in the pursuit of collective greatness. In the context of police brutality, “law and order” is enshrined as the higher purpose that must be defended regardless of methods or consequences. It’s disingenuously exploited to justify not only bloated police budgets and military-grade weapons, but also the terrorizing of communities of color, the bullying of peaceful protesters, and the use of excessive force with near impunity. Too often the public is fooled when an authoritarian and racist agenda is disguised in this way.

Defenders of the status quo also use a second superiority mind game—“They’re Un-American”—in their efforts to marginalize critics. This appeal characterizes those who condemn current inequities as unappreciative of our country and the values and traditions that “real” Americans hold dear. It takes particular advantage of the public’s respect and deference toward anything framed as patriotic. When it comes to the battleground of racial injustice, we’ve seen demagogues falsely claim that taking a knee is an outrage against our flag and our soldiers, rather than a denunciation of police brutality. Likewise, Black Lives Matter is intentionally misrepresented as a violent movement controlled by terrorists out to harm the United States. And protesters outraged over monuments honoring the Confederacy and its slavery roots are depicted as seeking to destroy our “national heritage.” When these propaganda ploys are successful, reformers lose the public’s support and are also at greater personal peril from reactionary forces.

Helplessness: Can we control what happens to us?

Feelings of helplessness can sink any undertaking. That’s because believing we can’t control the important outcomes in our lives leads to resignation, which wrecks our motivation to work toward valuable personal or collective objectives. Social change efforts are severely hampered when people feel that working together won’t improve their circumstances. The belief that adversity can’t be overcome is therefore something we fight hard to resist. But if we reach that demoralizing conclusion, the effects can be difficult to reverse. Status quo defenders use this to their advantage. Here are two examples.

With the “We’ll All Be Helpless” mind game, defenders of the status quo warn that the reforms they oppose would make it impossible for us to control what happens in the future. If we fail to hold the line, they caution, we’ll all face dire circumstances without the capacity to protect ourselves or undo the damage. This deceptive appeal is used by law enforcement personnel to preserve bloated police budgets at the expense of other, under-funded community needs; to retain military-style weapons despite their role in escalating rather than curtailing violence; and to maintain “qualified immunity” from civil lawsuits for abusive police, which enables them to escape accountability for their actions. Unfortunately, the prospect of future helplessness is often frightening enough that even deeply flawed arguments against worthwhile reforms can prove persuasive to an apprehensive public.

“Resistance Is Futile” is a second helplessness mind game that powerful status quo defenders routinely use to discourage much-needed reforms. Their message is simple: We’re in charge and we always will be. When this appeal proves convincing, individuals and groups pushing for change are disempowered and they’re left demoralized, intimidated, and immobilized. That’s why we’re witnessing such fearful displays of law enforcement might—in uniformed numbers, protective battle equipment and gear, state-of-the-art weaponry, and a willingness to assault peaceful protesters. At the same time, police unions often show that they’ll defend even the worst abusers in their midst, and they readily use their political clout when it comes to local and national elections. If we believe that we can’t succeed against these seemingly invincible forces, then change efforts never get off the ground or quickly grind to a halt.

Resisting and Countering Their Mind Games

Because they’re designed to tap into our core psychological concerns, the ten mind games I’ve described here can often seem persuasive even though the arguments behind them are as flimsy as a conman’s promises. Unfortunately, as long as these manipulative appeals continue to be successful, our current criminal justice system—plagued by institutional racism and abusive law enforcement—will garner misguided support from the public.

Overturning this unjust status quo therefore depends, in part, on effectively resisting and countering these mind games. One way to accomplish this goal is through what psychologists call “attitude inoculation.” The basic idea comes from the familiar public health approach used to prevent contracting and spreading a dangerous virus. Consider the flu vaccine (or, hopefully someday in the future, a COVID-19 vaccine). When you get a flu shot, you’re receiving a modest dose of the actual influenza virus. Your body responds by building up antibodies, and this immunization is essential in fighting off the full-blown virus if it later attacks as you go about your daily life.

Status-quo-defending mind games are much like a “virus” that can “infect” us with false and destructive beliefs. So here too, inoculation may be our best defense. Having been warned that this virus is heading our way—often spread by the megaphones of powerful, right-wing, and racist law-and-order zealots—we can become more vigilant and prepare ourselves for the onslaught, not only by learning to recognize these deceptive appeals but also by being ready with counterarguments to them. Here are several examples.

In regard to their vulnerability mind games, research shows that larger police forces and aggressive tactics like stop-and-frisk do not lead to less crime and safer communities. Meanwhile, cutting massive police budgets can reduce crime by making more funding available to better address essential unmet security needs in lower-income neighborhoods, including improvements in housing, schools, jobs, and hospitals.

As for the injustice appeals, the evidence that Black Americans are victims of entrenched, systemic racism is overwhelming, from wages to wealth to healthcare to law enforcement and beyond. Likewise, it’s indisputable that people of color are disproportionately the targets of unfair and abusive policing—seen in shootings, profiling, arbitrary arrests, and more—while police officers only rarely face consequences for their misconduct.

Turning to their distrust mind games, the unarmed victims of police violence obviously aren’t the ones who misrepresent the circumstances surrounding deadly encounters—that dishonesty lies with the police officers and a code of silence that encourages cover-ups of their wrongdoing. At the same time, claims that Black Lives Matter is viewed as deceitful or deviant by the public are refuted by polls showing that the movement has broad and multi-racial support.

In regard to the superiority appeals, the idea that a “higher purpose” is served by protecting a law enforcement system that discriminates against Black Americans—at every step along the way—can only be the province of white supremacists. For much the same reason, opposing these harmful policies is far from “un-American”; the number and breadth of current protests remind us that nothing is more patriotic than standing up for democracy and equal rights.

Finally, as for their helplessness mind games, confronting police brutality and systemic racism makes our country stronger, not weaker, because it combats the inequalities that diminish a society’s cohesion, health, and security. Moreover, collective opposition to oppressive and unjust government is far from futile: non-violent civil resistance has a compelling history of producing real change around the world.

The bottom line is that we need to neutralize the manipulative messages of status quo defenders who aim to marginalize and disempower the nationwide protests against racial injustice. Counter-arguments like these are examples of the “antibodies” that can help do the trick. But just as importantly, we should recognize that there are many whose life experiences—as victims of systemic racism and targets of abusive policing—have already immunized them against the false allure of these mind games. They are particularly well-positioned to be “first responders” when it comes to inoculating others. Indeed, this is among the reasons that the voices of Black activists and community leaders deserve to be elevated above all others (including my own).Join the debate on FacebookMore articles by:ROY EIDELSON

Roy Eidelson, PhD, is a past president of Psychologists for Social Responsibility, a member of the Coalition for an Ethical Psychology, and the author of POLITICAL MIND GAMES: How the 1% Manipulate Our Understanding of What’s Happening, What’s Right, and What’s Possible. Roy’s website is www.royeidelson.com and he is on Twitter at @royeidelson.

Beware the Bipartisan Legion of Doom: Corporate Democrats and Trump’s GOP

“Unlike their predecessors on the mat,” writes Eidelson, “today’s Legion of Doom don’t rely on brute strength and frightening visages to subdue opponents. Rather, their seeming stranglehold on our politics comes from the bottomless wealth of the self-serving 1% and from the use of manipulative narratives.” (Image: Wrestlefest/Screengrab)

by Roy Eidelson

In professional wrestling circles, the “Legion of Doom” is a name that conjures up the fearsome physiques and painted faces of one of the great tag teams of all time. In the political arena today, the same moniker aptly describes an even more daunting and dangerous duo: the profits-over-people corporate wing of the Democratic Party and the belligerent, bigoted, and brutal GOP of Donald Trump. There’s really no better way to describe a pairing that literally imperils our democracy and our planet at the same time.

The foundation for this forbidding alliance—”bipartisanship” at its worst—is simple. Both of these powerhouses are beholden to the same benefactors: an assortment of status-quo-defending behemoths that includes Wall Street, the oil and gas industry, health insurance companies, Big Pharma, military contractors, and mainstream media conglomerates. They therefore share the same no-holds-barred commitment: making sure that progressive victories are few and far between.

Of course, unlike their predecessors on the mat, today’s Legion of Doom don’t rely on brute strength and frightening visages to subdue opponents. Rather, their seeming stranglehold on our politics comes from the bottomless wealth of the self-serving 1% and from the use of manipulative narratives—”political mind games”—designed to mislead us about what’s happening, what’s right, and what’s possible.

“Both of these powerhouses are beholden to the same benefactors: an assortment of status-quo-defending behemoths that includes Wall Street, the oil and gas industry, health insurance companies, Big Pharma, military contractors, and mainstream media conglomerates. They therefore share the same no-holds-barred commitment: making sure that progressive victories are few and far between.”

As a psychologist, I’ve studied these propaganda appeals. The ones that tend to be most effective in confusing and misdirecting us target five core concerns that govern how we make sense of the world—namely, issues of vulnerability, injustice, distrust, superiority, and helplessness. Each is linked to a basic question, like this.

First, are we safe? The Legion of Doom are ready with the answers that best serve their corporate backers. Sometimes that means fearmongering about how progressive policies will threaten our wellbeing. Encouraging panic over Medicare for All fits the bill—even though tens of millions of Americans lack the health insurance they need. At other times, they instead offer unfounded assurances to allay our legitimate fears. Thus, they falsely insist—contrary to scientific data—that the destructive consequences of climate change are overblown and no cause for alarm.

Second, are we being treated fairly? Here the Legion of Doom are quick to prey on our uncertainties about right and wrong. One frequent ploy revolves around disingenuous claims that they’re fighting for justice. Corporate school reformers become ultra-wealthy entrepreneurs by promising to help underprivileged children, and massive defense contractors fill their coffers by posing as defenders of human rights. Another ploy involves misleading arguments in which shameful injustices—unconscionably extreme inequality, astronomical CEO salaries—are portrayed as the just outcomes of so-called free markets.

Third, who should we trust? Our doubts in this arena are soft targets for the Legion of Doom’s manipulative appeals. So they tell us that particular groups—perhaps communities of color, or immigrants, or those who are poor—are “different” and that their grievances are best viewed with suspicion. And they warn us that progressives and other critics of the status quo are purportedly dishonest, misguided, or misinformed—despite overwhelming evidence that the current system rewards the few by depriving the many.

Fourth, are we good enough? Often the Legion of Doom aim to win our loyalty with deceitful declarations that everyone benefits from the greed-driven pursuits they present as high-minded endeavors. They defend health insurance giants with false notions of protecting “choice,” and they promote anti-labor “right to work” laws with cunning tributes to “freedom.” At the same time, they depict dissenters as unappreciative and “un-American”—even though alternative policies like Medicare for All and a Green New Deal are broadly popular and would improve countless lives.

And fifth, can we control what happens to us? Here the Legion of Doom turn our concerns about helplessness to their advantage. Sometimes they duplicitously insist that transformative changes—a living wage for all, an end to homelessness, healthcare as a human right—are pipe dreams impossible to achieve due to unconquerable forces. At other times, they instead warn us that a progressive agenda will jeopardize our autonomy, as though returning power to the people would be a step away from—rather than toward—greater democracy.

All of these manipulative mind games (and more) are central to the Legion of Doom’s 2020 electoral strategy. Establishment Democrats have already unleashed them in an effort to undermine progressive primary candidates at every level—most notably against Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont. If he and others nonetheless emerge victorious, the GOP is patiently waiting its turn before November’s general election. They’re ready with a second barrage of these propaganda ploys, all aimed at wrestling our hopes for meaningful change into submission.

But another round of potentially catastrophic Legion of Doom victories doesn’t have to be our destiny. This status-quo-defending, donkey-and-elephant tag team—committed to continued self-aggrandizement rather than solidarity with those who have less—can be defeated. First, by resisting and debunking their misleading appeals, and by helping others to do the same. Second, by offering an honest and compelling alternative narrative, one with the straightforward message that insecurity, mistreatment, and crushed aspirations shouldn’t be a routine part of so many lives. And third, by building a coalition of Americans that’s large enough, diverse enough, and fearless enough to show the Legion of Doom that their domination of our politics is over. As Bernie Sanders said at a recent debate, quoting Nelson Mandela, “It always seems impossible until it’s done.”

Roy Eidelson is the former executive director of the University of Pennsylvania’s Solomon Asch Center for Study of Ethnopolitical Conflict, and a past president of Psychologists for Social Responsibility. His latest book is Political Mind Games: How the 1% Manipulate Our Understanding of What’s Happening, What’s Right, and What’s Possible.

This essay was first published on Common Dreams Views, Tuesday, March 03, 2020.
Work published on Common Dreams is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 License. Feel free to republish and share widely.

Psychology’s “Dark Triad” and the Billionaire Class, Part 3

by Roy Eidelson

SOURCE: Roy Eidelson

The Bottom Line

Let’s revisit the notion that the widespread misery and shattered dreams associated with today’s extreme inequality can be overcome by following the lead of the one-percent. Clearly, the deeply-entrenched Dark Triad tendencies among the super-rich should caution us against taking this path. After all, Machiavellianism, psychopathy, and narcissism aren’t the qualities one looks for in a reliable and trustworthy guide.

At the same time, it’s important to recognize two countervailing considerations. First, not everyone who’s exceedingly wealthy displays this disturbing trio of psychological traits, or routinely engages in the antisocial behaviors associated with them. Second, there’s obviously no requirement that you have to be rich in order to be an obnoxious narcissist who lacks compassion and exploits other people.

But these caveats don’t alter the fundamental reality: there are members of the one-percent who do act upon their Dark Triad inclinations and impulses. That’s a serious problem because their extraordinary wealth gives them tremendous influence over our laws, our politics, and our public square — and they’re eager and able to use their power and resources to pursue a self-serving agenda at the expense of the common good.

Psychology matters in another way as well. As part of their efforts, these one-percenters use an assortment of psychological appeals to mislead us about what’s happening, what’s right, and what’s possible. These manipulative “mind games” include a wide range of deceptive claims: change is dangerous; concerns over inequality are overblown; hard times hit those who don’t measure up; the wealthy are the ones being mistreated; critics of the super-rich are misguided and misinformed; the wealthy deserve the public’s trust; one-percenters have earned their enormous wealth and power; critics of the billionaire class are un-American; change is impossible; and the one-percent aren’t to blame for society’s problems. Debunking these and similar appeals — and inoculating ourselves and others against them — is therefore a necessary step in successfully challenging a status quo that prioritizes the few over the many.

There’s a popular account, perhaps fictitious, about an exchange between writers F. Scott Fitzgerald and Ernest Hemingway. Fitzgerald purportedly wrote, “The rich are different from you and me” — and Hemingway replied, “Yes, they have more money.” Some members of the billionaire class would like us to believe it’s really that simple. But it appears the truth may actually be much darker.

Roy Eidelson

Roy Eidelson, Ph.D., is a licensed psychologist, president of Eidelson Consulting, and a past president of Psychologists for Social Responsibility.

In Print: Political Mind Games: How the 1% Manipulate Our Understanding of What’s Happening, What’s Right, and What’s Possible

Online: royeidelson.com